1、最新英语演讲稿 名人英语演讲稿2篇范文word版 14页本文部分内容来自网络，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议请及时联系，本司将予以删除= 本文为word格式，简单修改即可使用，推荐下载！ = 英语演讲稿 ：名人英语演讲稿2篇i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of
2、the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: a time comes when silence is betrayal. and that time has c
3、ome for us in relation to vietnam. the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their governments policy, especially in time of war. nor does the
4、 human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by u
5、ncertainty; but we must move on. and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must
6、 rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nations history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhap
7、s a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us. over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my o
8、wn silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: why are you speaking about the
9、war, dr. king? why are you joining the voices of dissent? peace and civil rights dont mix, they say. arent you hurting the cause of your people, they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the
10、 inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the pa
11、th from dexter avenue baptist church - the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate - leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. i
12、t is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the ro
13、le they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides. to
14、night, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed sic americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surpr
15、ising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that
16、 struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor - both black and white - through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political playthi
17、ng of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see
18、the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and
19、to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem
20、. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we r
21、ealize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor. my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years - especially
22、 the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully
23、 through nonviolent action. but they ask - and rightly so - what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasnt using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the viole
24、nce of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today - my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent
25、. for those who ask the question, arent you a civil rights leader? and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: to save the soul of america. we were convi
26、nced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston
27、hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier: now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if americas soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never b
28、e saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land. as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were
29、 not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954* sic; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission - a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for the brotherhood of man. this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances,
30、 but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why im speaking against the war. could it be that they
31、 do not know that the good news was meant for all men - for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what t
32、hen can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life? and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was m
33、ost valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless
